‘The History of the Church of Russia: The Theory of the Third Rome’
Metropolitan Hierotheos of Nafpaktos and St Vlassios
Metropolitan Hierotheos of Nafpaktos and St Vlassios
Translation of the article in Greek «Ἱστορία τῆς Ἐκκλησίας τῆς Ρωσίας, ἡ θεωρία τῆς Τρίτης Ρώμης»
Prompted
by the Ukrainian issue which has concerned us in recent years, I wanted
to read some academic texts, in order to learn something more about the
history of the Church of Russia and the renowned theory of the ‘Third
Rome”.
In the
course of my search, I found a postgraduate dissertation by Anastasius
John Lallos in Greek entitled ‘History of the Church of Russia: the
Theory of the Third Rome’ (Thessaloniki 2016), which was submitted to
the University of Macedonia in Thessaloniki, to the Department of
Balkan, Slavic and Oriental Studies, in the wider context of ‘Studies in
the languages and culture of the countries of South-Eastern Europe’.
This
dissertation is the result of research and investigation of the sources
and the existing literature, from which it draws important material and
presents information about the history of Russia, as well as about the
‘Third Rome’ theory, which began in the fifteenth century and developed
mainly from the sixteenth century onwards, up until our own day.
Professor
Constantine Nichoritis supervised this postgraduate study, and it was
evaluated by Associate Professor Stavros Kamaroudis and Assistant
Professor Cyprian Soutsiou.
I shall
briefly present this study, because I do not know if it has been
published yet. This will enable readers to form a picture of this issue,
precisely because it is very relevant in view of past and present
events relating to the autocephaly granted by the Ecumenical
Patriarchate to Ukraine, against which the Church of Moscow is reacting.
1. The Subject Matter of the Postgraduate Dissertation
After the introduction, the subject is divided into four chapters.
The first
chapter, headed ‘Historical Context – Historical Overview’, refers to
the “origin and expansion of the Russians” from the fifth and sixth
centuries AD, mainly centred on Kiev.
The second
chapter, ‘National and Ecclesiastical History of Russia’, presents the
historical events from the baptism of the Russians until the founding of
the Patriarchate of Moscow, that is to say, it examines the period from
989 until 1589. The individual sections within this chapter are
significant:
‘From
the Baptism of the Russians until the Mongol Conquest (989-1240)’; ‘The
Kiev Principality’; ‘The Baptism of the Russians (988-989) – Holy Great
Prince Vladimir, Equal to the Apostles (1015)’; ‘From Vladimir the
Great (1015) until the Tartar Conquest (1240)’; ‘The Rise of Vladimir’;
‘The Metropolitans of Kiev and All Russia’; ‘Monasticism – The Lavra of
the Kiev Caves – Sts Anthony and Theodosius’; ‘From the Mongol Conquest
of Russia until the Division of the Metropolis of Russia (1240-1462) –
Tartar Domination’; ‘From the Division of the Metropolis of Russia until
the Founding of the Patriarchate (1462-1589)’; ‘The Patriarchate of
Moscow’.
The title
of the third chapter is ‘Ecclesiastical History of Russia: The Period of
Reorganisation – Administrative Independence and the Theory of the
Third Rome.’ It is subdivided into the following sections:
‘From Rome
to New Rome’; ‘Before the Fall’; ‘The Theory of the Third Rome’; ‘The
Metropolis of Moscow and the Reorganisation of the Church of Russia’;
‘Hierarchy and Hierarchs’; ‘The Clergy’; ‘Maximus the Greek, Enlightener
of the Russians’; ‘The Influence of the Holy Mountain on the Spiritual
Life of the Slavs.’
The fourth
chapter is entitled ‘The Beginning, Course and End of the “Third Rome”
Theory – Implications for Today.’ It is subdivided as follows:
‘The
Beginning, Course and End of the “Third Rome” Theory – Implications for
Today’; ‘The Theory of Pan-Slavism and Slav Ethnophyletism’; ‘The
Geopolitics of Spirituality, the Diplomacy of Faith, and the Hope of the
Third Rome’; ‘The Prospect of the Theory of the Third Rome and its
Political Repercussions’; ‘The Subject-Matter of the Theory of the Third
Rome and its Repercussions’; ‘Conclusions about the Third Rome.’
At the end
there is a bibliography of books in Greek and other languages that the
researcher used to develop his subject. A chronological table of the
basic events in the history of Russia is also appended, together with a
list of maps and images relevant to the research subject.
I have
cited the headings of the chapters and sub-chapters, tedious as this may
seem, in order to show even at a glance that this postgraduate
dissertation presents in summary form the national, political and
ecclesiastical history of the Russians from the fifth and sixth
centuries AD until today, as well as setting out the development and
cultivation of the ‘Third Rome’ theory.
It will
therefore be understood that the theory of the ‘Third Rome’ is the
time-bomb smouldering in the depths of the Church of Russia. It
undermines the canonical system of the Orthodox Church, which was laid
down by the Fathers of the Ecumenical Councils, and, of course, it also
undermines the primacy of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. Those who read
this dissertation will gain a full picture of the national and
ecclesiastical history of Russia, and its implications for the state of
the Church today.
2. Introduction
In the
‘Introduction’ one reads of the great importance of the Ecumenical
Patriarchate, which spread Christianity in the realm of the Slavs. All
the Southern, Western and Eastern Slavs converted to Orthodoxy and
adopted the cultural tradition of the Byzantine-Roman Empire.
It states:
“The
Russian state was deeply influenced by Byzantine ideology, and after
the fall of the capital city, the Russians thought and believed
profoundly within themselves that they were the sole heirs of the
Byzantine spiritual and cultural tradition.”
In this
perspective, starting from the fifteenth century, but mainly from the
mid-sixteenth century, the theory of the ‘Third Rome’ developed,
according to which Moscow, the capital of the Russian state, took the
title ‘Third Rome’ after the conquest and fall of Constantinople in
1453, in a symbolic move similar to the foundation by Constantine the
Great of Constantinople as the ‘Second Rome’ in relation to the First
Rome.
A
consequence of the ‘Third Rome’ theory is “the Tsarist theocracy based
on the ideology of Pan-Slavism”, which is the construction “of a
political and religious totalitarianism of the Slavs based on
Orthodoxy.”
With this
mentality, the Russians attempted to infiltrate the Holy Mountain and
Jerusalem, as this was expressed by the “Tsarist theocracy” and
subsequently by “Stalinist atheism”. Both these regimes “are reminiscent
of the Pan-Slavic ideology of the past in their attempt to attract the
greatest possible benefits.”
Of course, we observe this in our time too, through contemporary political and ecclesiastical practices, which we see every day.
The
arrangement of the contents and the introduction are sufficient on their
own to show the panoramic view of Russian politics, which greatly
influences ecclesiastical life. Through the theory of the ‘Third Rome’
the Ecumenical Patriarchate is undermined as the first-throne Church,
and essentially the regime of the Church is put at risk.
3. Basic Key Points in this Dissertation
Everything
set out above shows in brief the national, political and ecclesiastical
history of Russia. I shall now attempt to present some basic points
from this postgraduate dissertation, which was written under the
supervision of specialist professors, so that readers can be informed
about the issue that concerns us today.
a) The Early Russian People
The
geographical area that is now called Russia was occupied from the fifth
and sixth century by the Eastern Slavs, who initially appeared in the
third and fourth century AD between the Dnieper and the Dniester, and
are referred to as Antes in literature on the subject.
The Slavs
had settled at first in the steppes, north of the Pontus Euxinus, where
many years earlier other states had flourished, such as the Cimmerians,
Scythians and Sarmatians. They later moved westwards, as already
mentioned, and fought battles with the Goths, Huns and Avars, who were
ravaging those regions.
The Slavs
are divided into three large groups: “The Southern Slavs (who include
the Slovenes, Serbs and Croats, but also the Bulgars, who became a
Slavic tribe), the Western Slavs (who include the Poles, Moravians,
Pomeranians, Czechs and Slovak groups) and the Eastern Slavs
(Russians).”
The Eastern Slavs united with a warlike people called the Vikings, who are also referred to as Scandinavians or Normans. These Scandinavian tribes, who were characterised as Rus, “subjugated the Eastern Slavic tribes and gave them a strong political structure,” but the Scandinavians, who were fewer in number, “were assimilated both ethnically and linguistically by these Eastern Slavs, who were more numerous.” In this way they all came to be called Russians.
The Eastern Slavs united with a warlike people called the Vikings, who are also referred to as Scandinavians or Normans. These Scandinavian tribes, who were characterised as Rus, “subjugated the Eastern Slavic tribes and gave them a strong political structure,” but the Scandinavians, who were fewer in number, “were assimilated both ethnically and linguistically by these Eastern Slavs, who were more numerous.” In this way they all came to be called Russians.
The first
centre was organised in the city of Novgorod, and subsequently in Kiev.
These two cities were linked to one another, and were two major trading
centres at that time “from the Baltic Sea in the north to the Black Sea
in the south.”
This
study, which summarises the history of the origin and spread of the
Russians, concludes that “Kievan Russia was a multi-ethnic mixture of
peoples made up of Slavs, Balts, Finns, Scandinavians and various other
peoples, and smaller cohesive population groups.” It states:
“It
was the Scandinavians who gave the stimulus and impetus, and formed the
suitable cultivable substratum constituting the foundation for the
process of forming and establishing the first Russian state at that
time. In conclusion, taking everything referred to above into account,
the state of Kiev can be regarded as the outcome of endogenous and
exogenous factors culminating in the dynamic creative tendency of the
Scandinavians and Eastern Slavs.”
After the
Christianisation of the Russians, which we shall refer to below, Russia
was conquered by the Tartars, who were of Mongol origin, in 1240, and
this domination lasted until 1462, more than two hundred years. The
period of Tartar-Mongol rule was painful for Russia, because it not only
stopped its development, but, by cutting it off from Byzantium, it
contributed to “its spiritual, cultural and social decline.”
When the
Mongols conquered the Russians by force, they did not abolish their
political system of administration. Instead, “they governed the Russian
principalities through Russian princes, whom they allowed to remain, and
who administered their principalities, inherited them and passed them
on to their heirs.”
When the Russians were liberated from the Tartars in 1462, they developed politically and ecclesiastically.
b) The Conversion of the Slavs to Christianity
The
Russian people were spreading southwards and were a continuous threat to
Constantinople and the Byzantine-Roman Empire in general. This was a
matter of concern to the Empire. The attempt to Christianise the
Russians, which began with the baptism of the princes of Kiev Askold and
Dir, did not have significant results. An important event for the
Christianisation of the Russians was the baptism in 955 of St Olga,
Equal to the Apostles, the wife of Prince Igor of Russia. She was
regarded as “the forerunner of the coming of Christianity to Russia.”
However, “it was Olga’s grandson, Holy Great Prince Vladimir, who was
baptised with all the Russians in 988.”
Vladimir
was baptised as a Christian in the Church of St Basil in Chersonesos.
Subsequently he married Princess Anna Porphyrogenita of Byzantium, the
sister of the Emperors Basil II and Constantine VIII. The name
Porphyrogenita, ‘born in the purple’ derived from the fact that she was
born in the special room of the palace called ‘purple’. Vladimir
embraced Christianity after having rejected other possible choices
available to him, such as accepting Judaism, Islam or Catholicism.
After his
baptism, Vladimir order the inhabitants of Kiev to destroy the idols,
and invited them to embrace Christianity. With the help of his wife,
Anna Porphyrogenita, he constructed many new churches. It is mentioned
that in 1124 in Kiev about six hundred churches were in use in various
cities. A significant building was the Cathedral of Holy Wisdom, that
was built by Vladimir’s son Yaroslav and by Byzantine artists, who took
the Church of Holy Wisdom in Constantinople as their model.
In the
twelfth century Kiev weakened, and the capital of Russia was moved from
Kiev to Vladimir-Suzdal in North Eastern Russia. Great Prince George I,
the Long-Armed, “who was the sixth son of Great Prince Vladimir II
Monomakh and the Byzantine princess Anastasia,” contributed to this.
Anastasia “was the daughter of the Byzantine Emperor Constantine
Monomachos.” George the Long-Armed founded other cities as well,
including Moscow, which until 1156 was an unimportant settlement, but
eventually became “a fortified city with a large population” which
played a significant role in the later history of Russia.
In 1260
the Principality of Moscow was founded by Alexander Nevsky, who was an
important figure not only in the history of Russia but in world history.
Later, on 16 January 1547, Metropolitan Macarius of Moscow crowned Ivan
the Terrible as Emperor.
c) The Church of Russia from 988 until 1589
Following
the Christianisation of the Russians ecclesiastical life developed
intensely in Russia. From 988 until 1240, when Kiev was taken by the
Tartars, all the Metropolitans of Kiev and All Russia “were Byzantines,
and in fact most of them were of Greek origin.” Monasticism developed
strongly, together with the Lavra of the Kiev Caves, and this was mainly
due to two Russian monks: Anthony and Theodosius.
As a rule,
the Metropolitans of Kiev and All Russia between 988 and 1448 were
Greeks. They were chosen by Constantinople, in agreement with the
Byzantine Emperor. Many years later there was a “gentle alternation in
the succession and election of Greeks and Russians at the head of the
Church.” Prospective candidates had to travel to Constantinople and be
elected Metropolitans there, before returning to Russia.
In 1459,
at the order of Prince Basil Vasilievich, a Synod was held in Moscow,
and it was decided that the Metropolis of Russia would be divided into
the Metropolis of Moscow and the Metropolis of Kiev. This is the period
when the Church of Russia became independent of the Patriarchate of
Constantinople. From then on, the Metropolitan of Moscow would be
elected by the Synod of Russian bishops, “and his election would be
confirmed only by the head of the Russian state, without the necessary
approval of Constantinople.”
Other
events that had taken place earlier also contributed to this, as we
shall see below. These were connected both with the Council of
Ferrara-Florence of 1438-1439 and with the fall of Constantinople to the
Ottomans in 1453. From then on, the Tsar is presented as the patron of
all the Orthodox. The author notes:
“The development of the power of the state, and particularly of the Tsar, who, after the liberation of Russia from the Mongols and the subjection of the Slavs of the Balkan and Byzantine Empires to the Turks, appears as the only protector of the Orthodox everywhere, and of the Orthodox population in its entirety.”
“The development of the power of the state, and particularly of the Tsar, who, after the liberation of Russia from the Mongols and the subjection of the Slavs of the Balkan and Byzantine Empires to the Turks, appears as the only protector of the Orthodox everywhere, and of the Orthodox population in its entirety.”
With the
coronation of Ivan IV the Terrible (1533-1584) as Emperor by
Metropolitan Macarius of Moscow on 16 January 1457, Greek bishops were
excluded from the dioceses and the metropolitan throne of Russia. This
event turned the Russian hierarchy into a “purely ethnic affair.” At the
same time, however, the emancipation from the Patriarchate of
Constantinople granted to each Tsar “the appropriate power and authority
to appear as the supreme arbiter of ecclesiastical matters concerning
the administration of the Church, and in matters of election and
succession.” This means that the bishops and metropolitans “were not
only elected at the order of the Tsar and according to his absolute
choice, but they were enthroned when he wished, or he obliged them to
resign.” It was plainly a Tsarist theocracy.
The Tsar
acquired great power in the Church, such that, of the fourteen
successors of Metropolitan Jonah of Moscow, “only five died in office,
as nine had been deposed or had been obliged to resign. Reference is
made to the case of Philip, who was murdered at the initiative of the
Tsar, who ordered that the deed be committed.”
In 1589
the Patriarchate of Moscow was founded. The independence of the
Metropolitan of Moscow from the Ecumenical Patriarchate had already come
about, and Constantinople, together with all the Eastern regions, had
fallen to the Turks. For that reason, all the Orthodox Patriarchs of the
East were reduced to a terrible state, including economically. The
author of the study comments characteristically:
“As regards economic matters, already at the beginning of the sixteenth century the Patriarchs of the East, and by extension all the Churches included in their Patriarchates, were in a very difficult and problematic economic state, and often they were forced to resort to Moscow to receive financial support and economic help in order to meet their obligations.”
“As regards economic matters, already at the beginning of the sixteenth century the Patriarchs of the East, and by extension all the Churches included in their Patriarchates, were in a very difficult and problematic economic state, and often they were forced to resort to Moscow to receive financial support and economic help in order to meet their obligations.”
In 1586
Patriarch Joachim of Antioch went to Moscow and heard Tsar Theodore’s
proposal that a Patriarchate of Moscow be founded, but he answered that
this required the agreement of all the Patriarchs of the East. He
promised, however, that he would inform the other Patriarchs.
Subsequently,
Patriarch Jeremiah II of Constantinople went to Moscow in 1588 for
economic assistance, and there he accepted Tsar Theodore’s proposal to
found the Patriarchate of Moscow. Patriarch Jeremiah II agreed “because
he was hopeful that in the long term it would be possible for him to
become Patriarch of the Patriarchate in question.” Afterwards, however,
he gave up his initial ideas and agreed to make Metropolitan Job the
Patriarch. This happened on 26 January 1589. At the same time, six
Metropolises, six Archdioceses and six episcopal sees were established
on Russian territory.
When
Patriarch Jeremiah II of Constantinople returned to Constantinople, he
convened the 1590 Synod with the Patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem,
because the throne of the Patriarchate of Alexandria was vacant, in
order to examine this issue. Finally, the Synod of 1593, with all the
Patriarchs, including the Patriarch of Alexandria, Meletius Pigas, who
had been elected meanwhile, ratified the decision of the Patriarch of
Constantinople to give Patriarchal honour and dignity to the Patriarch
of Moscow, and that he would hold the fifth place in order of rank,
after the Patriarch of Jerusalem.
The author of this study expresses a characteristic view, which indicates the state that prevailed at that period:
“The
economic difficulty into which many patriarchates of the East had
fallen played a part in this proclamation, and in the final
establishment of this new arrangement. The economic distress of the
Patriarchs of the East was beyond doubt a fact that made them
susceptible and led then to seek financial support, as they were unable
to meet their obligations. A characteristic example that can be
mentioned is the visit to Moscow of Patriarch Joachim, head of the
Patriarchate of Antioch, who was subject to an attempt on the part of
Moscow to buy influence and intervention. There were other similar
situations, as in the case of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, when
corresponding financial approaches took place, which entailed financial
exchanges to secure favour and mutual agreement.”
During the
consultations of Patriarch Jeremiah II with the Russians, as mentioned
above, the proposal was made that Jeremiah should relocate to Moscow.
This was eventually rejected by the Patriarch. It seems, however, that
the Tsar wanted the Patriarch of Moscow to have third place in the
hierarchical order of Orthodox Patriarchs, after Constantinople and
Alexandria, and before Antioch and Jerusalem. This did not come about,
because the other Patriarchs did not agree, and finally the Patriarch of
Moscow took fifth place after the Patriarch of Jerusalem.
These
moves are connected with the ‘Third Rome’ theory, which was developed by
the Russians, and which we shall look at in the next section.
What
should be stressed here, however, is that from time to time there was
conflict between the Patriarch of Moscow and the Tsar, a characteristic
instance being the conflict between Patriarch Nikon and Tsar Alexander
Mikhailovich. Eventually, by the decree of Peter the Great in the
mid-1700s, the Russian Patriarchate was abolished, and it was
re-established after the Communist domination of Russia.
d) The Theory of the ‘Third Rome’
In the
study that I am briefly presenting here, the important point, which
takes up most of the postgraduate dissertation, is the theory of the
‘Third Rome’, which began in the fifteenth century and mainly developed
in the sixteenth century. According to this theory, in early times there
was the First Rome, which was the capital of the ancient Roman Empire;
then, with the transfer of the capital of the Roman State from Rome to
Constantinople, the Second Rome was created; and subsequently Moscow,
which is the capital of the new Christian empire, is the Third Rome.
This
theory cannot stand, firstly, because there was never a First and Second
Rome, but an Old and a New Rome, so there cannot be a Third Rome.
We shall, however, look at some aspects of this theory, as it is presented in this postgraduate dissertation.
First of all, we shall look at the political aspect
of this theory, which constituted the ideology “to stabilise, one way
or another, the subsequent course of the transformation of the Russian
state.”
Before
this theory acquired political ideology in the written documents of the
sixteenth century, it had developed and been elaborated by various
writers whose works were full of literary and ideological material, such
as the ‘Russian Chronicles’. According to these traditions, the Prince
of Moscow was descended “from the family of the Roman Emperor Augustus.”
After the
fall of Constantinople to the Ottomans, the view developed that Tsar
Ivan III, who married Zoe-Sophia Palaiologina, niece of the last Emperor
of Byzantium “was by right the only heir and successor of the Byzantine
Emperors.” Thus, as Metropolitan Zosima of Moscow asserted, Tsar Ivan
“was the new Constantine of the new capital city.” Since all the
Orthodox peoples, except Russia, had “been subjugated by the Turks, and
Russia had thrown off the yoke of Mongol domination, she, and not the
Ottoman Empire, should be the successor of Byzantium.”
In the
middle of the fifteenth century “the ‘Third Rome’ theory had spread very
widely in the Russian world, and had entered the hearts and ambitions
of the laity and clergy, through the synaxaria and written religious
accounts, letters and texts which were very widespread at that period
and made an impression on the people, who trusted them and read them.”
This continuing awareness led eventually to the foundation of the
Patriarchate of Moscow in the middle of the sixteenth century.
Above all,
it was the monk Philotheus of Pskov (late fifteenth century) who
further developed and expressed the theory of the ‘Third Rome’. In
accordance with this theory, the First Rome fell into idolatry, and the
Second Rome, Constantinople, was punished by God because it deviated
from the Orthodox faith, on account of signing the union with the Latins
at Ferrara-Florence in 1438-1439. The monk Philotheus wrote to the
Tsar:
“You
are the only Christian Tsar in the whole world, you hold in your hands
the reins of all the thrones of the Holy Ecumenical Church, which is no
longer situated either in Europe or in Constantinople, but in Moscow.”
He added
his views that Moscow was the Third Rome, and there would be no Fourth
Rome, so Moscow “is the last Rome.” “The Third Rome, in contrast with
the previous ones, stands upright and will be the last, for there will
be no fourth in the future.” The world exists because Moscow exists, and
if Moscow ceases to be the centre of the Christian world, then the end
of the world is approaching.
In this
perspective Tsar Ivan the Terrible also considered that he was the
absolute monarch, and that his power came from God. Ivan IV thought that
anyone who showed a critical disposition towards him was quarrelling
with God. Overall, “the Tsar felt himself to be a leader chosen and send
by God.”
This
mentality, combined with what will be said about the ecclesiastical
perspective of the theory of the ‘Third Rome’, produced from the
sixteenth century onwards the concept of ‘Holy Russia’. ‘Holy Russia’
was closely connected with the theory of the ‘Third Rome’, and her
supreme glory did not come from personal achievement, but from the fact
that “the Third Rome was a creation of God chosen by Him Himself to
fulfil His will.” This was the ideology of the Russian state during the
sixteenth century.
The ecclesiastical aspect
of the theory of the ‘Third Rome’ is closely connected with its
political aspect. At first the theory of the ‘Third Rome’ was mainly
political, and had not progressed on the ecclesiastical side to the
point of undervaluing the Ecumenical Patriarchate, because they could
not transgress the decisions of the Ecumenical Councils, which spoke of
Old and New Rome, and not First and Second Rome, such that there would
subsequently be a Third Rome. “The ecclesiastical aspect ignored the
unfounded and fictitious threefold schematisation of ‘First-Second-Third
Rome’, which came onto the scene at that given moment.”
As was to
be expected, as time passed the theory of the ‘Third Rome’ also passed
into ecclesiastical life and acted “in contradistinction to
Constantinople and the Ecumenical Patriarchate.” The aim of this theory
was that “the primacy of the Patriarchate ought to be abolished” and in
order for this to happen “it ought to be acknowledged in some way that
the Patriarchate had fallen into heresy.”
According
to this theory, the First Rome fell into the heresy of Apollinarianism,
as it accepted the use of unleavened bread in the Divine Liturgy, and
the Second Rome lost the faith by its union with the Latins, for which
reason it was punished by God by being captured by unbelievers. Thus,
the ‘Third Rome’ is “something more than what the Second Rome
(Constantinople) was.” In fact, during the sixteenth century most
Russians “anticipated that Russian customs and traditions had reached a
much higher level than those of Constantinople earlier on.”
In this
perspective, other theories also developed, such as that the Tikhvin
icon of the Mother of God, which was the work of Patriarch Germanus of
Constantinople, but was taken away for safety during the period of
iconoclasm, returned many years later to Constantinople, and later on,
after the fall of Constantinople, moved to Tikhvin. Also the myth of the
‘white mitre’ developed, which had been given by Constantine the Great
to Pope Sylvester, and which, after the heresy of Apollinarianism
prevailed in the West (the acceptance of unleavened bread in the Divine
Liturgy), was brought to Constantinople, and from there went to Moscow.
“All these
traditions and accounts were continually recycled and deliberately
aimed at reducing the prestige of the Ecumenical Patriarchate.” In
parallel to this ‘Third Rome’ theory, there was also the vision of the
transfer of the Ecumenical Patriarchate from Constantinople to Russia,
but a scenario was also in circulation that a Patriarch from Russia
would be established in Constantinople.”
In the
end, as mentioned earlier, the Patriarchate of Moscow was founded. In
fact, it is alleged that “in reality the title (of Patriarch) was
obtained by force, as the Patriarch of Constantinople had become
economically dependent on Russia, and at that period, in order to ensure
the continuation of financial support, he proceeded, in exchange, to
acknowledge the title of the Patriarch.”
A typical example of how the theory of the ‘Third Rome’ was expressed is the case of St Maximus the Greek,
who was actually a monk of Vatopedi who went to Moscow in 1518, at the
invitation of Prince Basil III, to correct the texts that had been
translated from Greek into Russian. St Maximus found himself faced with
an anti-Greek reaction that was “an expression of Russian chauvinism”,
with result that he was condemned, he suffered imprisonment and
persecution, and finally he succumbed to the many hardships that he had
suffered.
During his
mission he discovered many distortions in Russian society, but what
should be noted is that he also confronted the theory of the ‘Third
Rome’.
St Maximus
advocated respect towards the canonical order and made criticisms, as
well as opposing the ‘Third Rome’ theory, that the Ecumenical
Patriarchate had fallen away from the Orthodox faith and surrendered to
Ottoman pressure, and therefore the Patriarchate of Moscow ought to take
its place.
St Maximus
“strongly challenged the theory of the ‘Third Rome’ in its entirety and
attempted to right the wrongs that had been done within the Church
throughout the Russian ecclesiastical realm.” At the time of St Maximus
there were “Russian ecclesiastical circles” who were pushing for Russia
to split away from the Ecumenical Patriarchate, and St Maximus strongly
opposed this objective.
It could
be asserted that the theory of the ‘Third Rome’ which, as already
mentioned, began in the fifteenth century and mainly developed in the
sixteenth, eventually led to Pan-Slavism, that is to
say “it was the precursor of the theory of Pan-Slavism and of the
extensive Slav ethno-phyletism that followed in the coming centuries. It
fuelled many political developments, and prompted various actions and
activities in the wider area.”
Pan-Slavism
was the movement that developed in the nineteenth and early twentieth
century and aimed at the “unification of all the Slav peoples in a
single federal state” under the control of Russian. In practice, it was
“an ideological religious pretext.”
Pan-Slavism
“aimed at the liberation of the Slavs from their oppressors”, and
subsequently it aspired to their unification. Various scholars
formulated the theory of the national awakening of the Slavs. A typical
example is the proclamation of the Bulgarian Exarchate in 1870 and the
creation of a Greater Bulgaria.
One of the
typical exponents of Pan-Slavism was Nicholas Danilevsky, who stressed
in his book Russia and Europe that “the Slavic populations ought not to
turn to the West but to Russia, who is their patron and the only source
of help to enable them to achieve their aim.” Russians with Pan-Slavic
opinions infiltrated the whole of the Balkans, the Holy Mountain and
elsewhere.
It may
seem “outrageous”, but the ‘Third Rome’ theory “even found fertile
ground in the period of Communist ascendancy and authority in the time
of the Soviet Union.” In the international arena at that time, the
Russian Patriarch could “easily influence and form trends and
perceptions among the other Slavic Patriarchates,” whose countries were
under the Communist regime, and were directly or indirectly dependent on
Moscow. The same happened at Pan-Orthodox meetings. In this way, “the
theory of the Third Rome reappeared on the scene” at that period.
At the
Conference of Orthodox Churches that was held in Moscow in 1948, on the
occasion of the celebration of the five hundredth anniversary of the
autocephalous Russian Church, the theory of the ‘Third Rome’ was
mentioned by those attending, including a Pole, a Bulgarian and a
Russian. Thus, this theory continues to smoulder in Slavic populations.
Various images depicting Moscow as the ‘Third Rome’ are included in an appendix to the text of this postgraduate dissertation.
Conclusion
I have
tried in this article to present the central points of this postgraduate
dissertation by Anastasius John Lallos. When, however, one reads this
study, one sees the whole problem that existed in past centuries, but
also in our own time, regarding the theory of the ‘Third Rome’. The
facts are of current concern, so history ought to be our guide to the
present and the future.
It seems
evident, therefore, that the ‘Third Rome’ theory began in the fifteenth
century, and developed mainly in the sixteenth century. It was
propagated in the following centuries up until today, in various forms
and by all the Russian regimes: by Tsarist theocracy, Stalinist atheism,
Pan-Slavism and modern Russian diplomacy. This continues in our day,
and in this manner the Ecumenical Patriarchate, which was established by
the Canons of the Ecumenical Councils and by the whole of
ecclesiastical practice as the first-throne Church, is undermined in
many different ways.
Anyone who
takes part in Pan-Orthodox Committees, or who observes what happens at
meetings of representatives of the Orthodox Churches, easily discovers
this subversive policy of those who are in the grip of the theory of the
‘Third Rome’. These people want to overturn the established canonical
order, according to which the Ecumenical Patriarch presides at
Pan-Orthodox meetings and takes initiatives, as has been granted to him
by the canonical tradition of the Church and the more general
ecclesiastical outlook. Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew is well aware
of this, and he acts accordingly. This is the perspective in which we
ought to view the granting of autocephaly to Ukraine.
Reading
this postgraduate dissertation carefully, I felt sorry for all those who
do not see this situation, and who support the Russian leadership in
its polemic against the Ecumenical Patriarchate.
Finally,
those who do not see this situation in the matter of Ukraine are
suffering from naïvety or short-sightedness, or long-sightedness and
colour-blindness.
Usually we
Greeks, with our ‘Roman’ conscience and mentality, are animated by a
universal spirit, without being nationalistic. We should not, however,
be naïve, because then we could prove to be dangerous as regards
history, the treasure of the Orthodox tradition, and the heritage of our
Fathers, for the sake of individual interests and all sorts of
expediencies.
In a future article I shall refer to the subject of the ecclesiological fluctuations of the Patriarchate of Moscow.